Showing posts with label taxes. Show all posts
Showing posts with label taxes. Show all posts
Saturday, September 25, 2010
History of the U.S. Tax System
Fact Sheets: Taxes
HISTORY OF THE U.S. TAX SYSTEM
The federal, state, and local tax systems in the United States have been marked by significant changes over the years in response to changing circumstances and changes in the role of government. The types of taxes collected, their relative proportions, and the magnitudes of the revenues collected are all far different than they were 50 or 100 years ago. Some of these changes are traceable to specific historical events, such as a war or the passage of the 16th Amendment to the Constitution that granted the Congress the power to levy a tax on personal income. Other changes were more gradual, responding to changes in society, in our economy, and in the roles and responsibilities that government has taken unto itself.
Colonial Times
For most of our nation's history, individual taxpayers rarely had any significant contact with Federal tax authorities as most of the Federal government's tax revenues were derived from excise taxes, tariffs, and customs duties. Before the Revolutionary War, the colonial government had only a limited need for revenue, while each of the colonies had greater responsibilities and thus greater revenue needs, which they met with different types of taxes. For example, the southern colonies primarily taxed imports and exports, the middle colonies at times imposed a property tax and a "head" or poll tax levied on each adult male, and the New England colonies raised revenue primarily through general real estate taxes, excises taxes, and taxes based on occupation.
England's need for revenues to pay for its wars against France led it to impose a series of taxes on the American colonies. In 1765, the English Parliament passed the Stamp Act, which was the first tax imposed directly on the American colonies, and then Parliament imposed a tax on tea. Even though colonists were forced to pay these taxes, they lacked representation in the English Parliament. This led to the rallying cry of the American Revolution that "taxation without representation is tyranny" and established a persistent wariness regarding taxation as part of the American culture.
The Post Revolutionary Era
The Articles of Confederation, adopted in 1781, reflected the American fear of a strong central government and so retained much of the political power in the States. The national government had few responsibilities and no nationwide tax system, relying on donations from the States for its revenue. Under the Articles, each State was a sovereign entity and could levy tax as it pleased.
When the Constitution was adopted in 1789, the Founding Fathers recognized that no government could function if it relied entirely on other governments for its resources, thus the Federal Government was granted the authority to raise taxes. The Constitution endowed the Congress with the power to "…lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, pay the Debts and provide for the common Defense and general Welfare of the United States." Ever on guard against the power of the central government to eclipse that of the states, the collection of the taxes was left as the responsibility of the State governments.
To pay the debts of the Revolutionary War, Congress levied excise taxes on distilled spirits, tobacco and snuff, refined sugar, carriages, property sold at auctions, and various legal documents. Even in the early days of the Republic, however, social purposes influenced what was taxed. For example, Pennsylvania imposed an excise tax on liquor sales partly "to restrain persons in low circumstances from an immoderate use thereof." Additional support for such a targeted tax came from property owners, who hoped thereby to keep their property tax rates low, providing an early example of the political tensions often underlying tax policy decisions.
Though social policies sometimes governed the course of tax policy even in the early days of the Republic, the nature of these policies did not extend either to the collection of taxes so as to equalize incomes and wealth, or for the purpose of redistributing income or wealth. As Thomas Jefferson once wrote regarding the "general Welfare" clause:
To take from one, because it is thought his own industry and that of his father has acquired too much, in order to spare to others who (or whose fathers) have not exercised equal industry and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the first principle of association, "to guarantee to everyone a free exercise of his industry and the fruits acquired by it."
With the establishment of the new nation, the citizens of the various colonies now had proper democratic representation, yet many Americans still opposed and resisted taxes they deemed unfair or improper. In 1794, a group of farmers in southwestern Pennsylvania physically opposed the tax on whiskey, forcing President Washington to send Federal troops to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion, establishing the important precedent that the Federal government was determined to enforce its revenue laws. The Whiskey Rebellion also confirmed, however, that the resistance to unfair or high taxes that led to the Declaration of Independence did not evaporate with the forming of a new, representative government.
During the confrontation with France in the late 1790's, the Federal Government imposed the first direct taxes on the owners of houses, land, slaves, and estates. These taxes are called direct taxes because they are a recurring tax paid directly by the taxpayer to the government based on the value of the item that is the basis for the tax. The issue of direct taxes as opposed to indirect taxes played a crucial role in the evolution of Federal tax policy in the following years. When Thomas Jefferson was elected President in 1802, direct taxes were abolished and for the next 10 years there were no internal revenue taxes other than excises.
To raise money for the War of 1812, Congress imposed additional excise taxes, raised certain customs duties, and raised money by issuing Treasury notes. In 1817 Congress repealed these taxes, and for the next 44 years the Federal Government collected no internal revenue. Instead, the Government received most of its revenue from high customs duties and through the sale of public land.
The Civil War
When the Civil War erupted, the Congress passed the Revenue Act of 1861, which restored earlier excises taxes and imposed a tax on personal incomes. The income tax was levied at 3 percent on all incomes higher than $800 a year. This tax on personal income was a new direction for a Federal tax system based mainly on excise taxes and customs duties. Certain inadequacies of the income tax were quickly acknowledged by Congress and thus none was collected until the following year.
By the spring of 1862 it was clear the war would not end quickly and with the Union's debt growing at the rate of $2 million daily it was equally clear the Federal government would need additional revenues. On July 1, 1862 the Congress passed new excise taxes on such items as playing cards, gunpowder, feathers, telegrams, iron, leather, pianos, yachts, billiard tables, drugs, patent medicines, and whiskey. Many legal documents were also taxed and license fees were collected for almost all professions and trades.
The 1862 law also made important reforms to the Federal income tax that presaged important features of the current tax. For example, a two-tiered rate structure was enacted, with taxable incomes up to $10,000 taxed at a 3 percent rate and higher incomes taxed at 5 percent. A standard deduction of $600 was enacted and a variety of deductions were permitted for such things as rental housing, repairs, losses, and other taxes paid. In addition, to assure timely collection, taxes were "withheld at the source" by employers.
The need for Federal revenue declined sharply after the war and most taxes were repealed. By 1868, the main source of Government revenue derived from liquor and tobacco taxes. The income tax was abolished in 1872. From 1868 to 1913, almost 90 percent of all revenue was collected from the remaining excises.
The 16th Amendment
Under the Constitution, Congress could impose direct taxes only if they were levied in proportion to each State's population. Thus, when a flat rate Federal income tax was enacted in 1894, it was quickly challenged and in 1895 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled it unconstitutional because it was a direct tax not apportioned according to the population of each state.
Lacking the revenue from an income tax and with all other forms of internal taxes facing stiff resistance, from 1896 until 1910 the Federal government relied heavily on high tariffs for its revenues. The War Revenue Act of 1899 sought to raise funds for the Spanish-American War through the sale of bonds, taxes on recreational facilities used by workers, and doubled taxes on beer and tobacco. A tax was even imposed on chewing gum. The Act expired in 1902, so that Federal receipts fell from 1.7 percent of Gross Domestic Product to 1.3 percent.
While the War Revenue Act returned to traditional revenue sources following the Supreme Court's 1895 ruling on the income tax, debate on alternative revenue sources remained lively. The nation was becoming increasingly aware that high tariffs and excise taxes were not sound economic policy and often fell disproportionately on the less affluent. Proposals to reinstate the income tax were introduced by Congressmen from agricultural areas whose constituents feared a Federal tax on property, especially on land, as a replacement for the excises.
Eventually, the income tax debate pitted southern and western Members of Congress representing more agricultural and rural areas against the industrial northeast. The debate resulted in an agreement calling for a tax, called an excise tax, to be imposed on business income, and a Constitutional amendment to allow the Federal government to impose tax on individuals' lawful incomes without regard to the population of each State.
By 1913, 36 States had ratified the 16th Amendment to the Constitution. In October, Congress passed a new income tax law with rates beginning at 1 percent and rising to 7 percent for taxpayers with income in excess of $500,000. Less than 1 percent of the population paid income tax at the time. Form 1040 was introduced as the standard tax reporting form and, though changed in many ways over the years, remains in use today.
One of the problems with the new income tax law was how to define "lawful" income. Congress addressed this problem by amending the law in 1916 by deleting the word "lawful" from the definition of income. As a result, all income became subject to tax, even if it was earned by illegal means. Several years later, the Supreme Court declared the Fifth Amendment could not be used by bootleggers and others who earned income through illegal activities to avoid paying taxes. Consequently, many who broke various laws associated with illegal activities and were able to escape justice for these crimes were incarcerated on tax evasion charges.
Prior to the enactment of the income tax, most citizens were able to pursue their private economic affairs without the direct knowledge of the government. Individuals earned their wages, businesses earned their profits, and wealth was accumulated and dispensed with little or no interaction with government entities. The income tax fundamentally changed this relationship, giving the government the right and the need to know about all manner of an individual or business' economic life. Congress recognized the inherent invasiveness of the income tax into the taxpayer's personal affairs and so in 1916 it provided citizens with some degree of protection by requiring that information from tax returns be kept confidential.
World War I and the 1920s
The entry of the United States into World War I greatly increased the need for revenue and Congress responded by passing the 1916 Revenue Act. The 1916 Act raised the lowest tax rate from 1 percent to 2 percent and raised the top rate to 15 percent on taxpayers with incomes in excess of $1.5 million. The 1916 Act also imposed taxes on estates and excess business profits.
Driven by the war and largely funded by the new income tax, by 1917 the Federal budget was almost equal to the total budget for all the years between 1791 and 1916. Needing still more tax revenue, the War Revenue Act of 1917 lowered exemptions and greatly increased tax rates. In 1916, a taxpayer needed $1.5 million in taxable income to face a 15 percent rate. By 1917 a taxpayer with only $40,000 faced a 16 percent rate and the individual with $1.5 million faced a tax rate of 67 percent.
Another revenue act was passed in 1918, which hiked tax rates once again, this time raising the bottom rate to 6 percent and the top rate to 77 percent. These changes increased revenue from $761 million in 1916 to $3.6 billion in 1918, which represented about 25 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Even in 1918, however, only 5 percent of the population paid income taxes and yet the income tax funded one-third of the cost of the war.
The economy boomed during the 1920s and increasing revenues from the income tax followed. This allowed Congress to cut taxes five times, ultimately returning the bottom tax rate to 1 percent and the top rate down to 25 percent and reducing the Federal tax burden as a share of GDP to 13 percent. As tax rates and tax collections declined, the economy was strengthened further.
In October of 1929 the stock market crash marked the beginning of the Great Depression. As the economy shrank, government receipts also fell. In 1932, the Federal government collected only $1.9 billion, compared to $6.6 billion in 1920. In the face of rising budget deficits which reached $2.7 billion in 1931, Congress followed the prevailing economic wisdom at the time and passed the Tax Act of 1932 which dramatically increased tax rates once again. This was followed by another tax increase in 1936 that further improved the government's finances while further weakening the economy. By 1936 the lowest tax rate had reached 4 percent and the top rate was up to 79 percent. In 1939, Congress systematically codified the tax laws so that all subsequent tax legislation until 1954 amended this basic code. The combination of a shrunken economy and the repeated tax increases raised the Federal government's tax burden to 6.8 percent of GDP by 1940.
The Social Security Tax
The state of the economy during the Great Depression led to passage of the Social Security Act in 1935. This law provided payments known as "unemployment compensation" to workers who lost their jobs. Other sections of the Act gave public aid to the aged, the needy, the handicapped, and to certain minors. These programs were financed by a 2 percent tax, one half of which was subtracted directly from an employee's paycheck and one half collected from employers on the employee's behalf. The tax was levied on the first $3,000 of the employee's salary or wage.
World War II
Even before the United States entered the Second World War, increasing defense spending and the need for monies to support the opponents of Axis aggression led to the passage in 1940 of two tax laws that increased individual and corporate taxes, which were followed by another tax hike in 1941. By the end of the war the nature of the income tax had been fundamentally altered. Reductions in exemption levels meant that taxpayers with taxable incomes of only $500 faced a bottom tax rate of 23 percent, while taxpayers with incomes over $1 million faced a top rate of 94 percent. These tax changes increased federal receipts from $8.7 billion in 1941 to $45.2 billion in 1945. Even with an economy stimulated by war-time production, federal taxes as a share of GDP grew from 7.6 percent in 1941 to 20.4 percent in 1945. Beyond the rates and revenues, however, another aspect about the income tax that changed was the increase in the number of income taxpayers from 4 million in 1939 to 43 million in 1945.
Another important feature of the income tax that changed was the return to income tax withholding as had been done during the Civil War. This greatly eased the collection of the tax for both the taxpayer and the Bureau of Internal Revenue. However, it also greatly reduced the taxpayer's awareness of the amount of tax being collected, i.e. it reduced the transparency of the tax, which made it easier to raise taxes in the future.
Developments after World War II
Tax cuts following the war reduced the Federal tax burden as a share of GDP from its wartime high of 20.9 percent in 1944 to 14.4 percent in 1950. However, the Korean War created a need for additional revenues which, combined with the extension of Social Security coverage to self-employed persons, meant that by 1952 the tax burden had returned to 19.0 percent of GDP.
In 1953 the Bureau of Internal Revenue was renamed the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), following a reorganization of its function. The new name was chosen to stress the service aspect of its work. By 1959, the IRS had become the world's largest accounting, collection, and forms-processing organization. Computers were introduced to automate and streamline its work and to improve service to taxpayers. In 1961, Congress passed a law requiring individual taxpayers to use their Social Security number as a means of tax form identification. By 1967, all business and personal tax returns were handled by computer systems, and by the late 1960s, the IRS had developed a computerized method for selecting tax returns to be examined. This made the selection of returns for audit fairer to the taxpayer and allowed the IRS to focus its audit resources on those returns most likely to require an audit.
Throughout the 1950s tax policy was increasingly seen as a tool for raising revenue and for changing the incentives in the economy, but also as a tool for stabilizing macroeconomic activity. The economy remained subject to frequent boom and bust cycles and many policymakers readily accepted the new economic policy of raising or lowering taxes and spending to adjust aggregate demand and thereby smooth the business cycle. Even so, however, the maximum tax rate in 1954 remained at 87 percent of taxable income. While the income tax underwent some manner of revision or amendment almost every year since the major reorganization of 1954, certain years marked especially significant changes. For example, the Tax Reform Act of 1969 reduced income tax rates for individuals and private foundations.
Beginning in the late 1960s and continuing through the 1970s the United States experienced persistent and rising inflation rates, ultimately reaching 13.3 percent in 1979. Inflation has a deleterious effect on many aspects of an economy, but it also can play havoc with an income tax system unless appropriate precautions are taken. Specifically, unless the tax system's parameters, i.e. its brackets and its fixed exemptions, deductions, and credits, are indexed for inflation, a rising price level will steadily shift taxpayers into ever higher tax brackets by reducing the value of those exemptions and deductions.
During this time, the income tax was not indexed for inflation and so, driven by a rising inflation, and despite repeated legislated tax cuts, the tax burden rose from 19.4 percent of GDP to 20.8 percent of GDP. Combined with high marginal tax rates, rising inflation, and a heavy regulatory burden, this high tax burden caused the economy to under-perform badly, all of which laid the groundwork for the Reagan tax cut, also known as the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981.
The Reagan Tax Cut
The Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, which enjoyed strong bi-partisan support in the Congress, represented a fundamental shift in the course of federal income tax policy. Championed in principle for many years by then-Congressman Jack Kemp (R-NY) and then-Senator Bill Roth (R- DE), it featured a 25 percent reduction in individual tax brackets, phased in over 3 years, and indexed for inflation thereafter. This brought the top tax bracket down to 50 percent.
The 1981 Act also featured a dramatic departure in the treatment of business outlays for plant and equipment, i.e. capital cost recovery, or tax depreciation. Heretofore, capital cost recovery had attempted roughly to follow a concept known as economic depreciation, which refers to the decline in the market value of a producing asset over a specified period of time. The 1981 Act explicitly displaced the notion of economic depreciation, instituting instead the Accelerated Cost Recovery System which greatly reduced the disincentive facing business investment and ultimately prepared the way for the subsequent boom in capital formation. In addition to accelerated cost recovery, the 1981 Act also instituted a 10 percent Investment Tax Credit to spur additional capital formation.
Prior to, and in many circles even after the 1981 tax cut, the prevailing view was that tax policy is most effective in modulating aggregate demand whenever demand and supply become mismatched, i.e. whenever the economy went in to recession or became "over-heated". The 1981 tax cut represented a new way of looking at tax policy, though it was in fact a return to a more traditional, or neoclassical, economic perspective. The essential idea was that taxes have their first and primary effect on the economic incentives facing individuals and businesses. Thus, the tax rate on the last dollar earned, i.e. the marginal dollar, is much more important to economic activity than the tax rate facing the first dollar earned or than the average tax rate. By reducing marginal tax rates it was believed the natural forces of economic growth would be less restrained. The most productive individuals would then shift more of their energies to productive activities rather than leisure and businesses would take advantage of many more now profitable opportunities. It was also thought that reducing marginal tax rates would significantly expand the tax base as individuals shifted more of their income and activities into taxable forms and out of tax-exempt forms.
The 1981 tax cut actually represented two departures from previous tax policy philosophies, one explicit and intended and the second by implication. The first change was the new focus on marginal tax rates and incentives as the key factors in how the tax system affects economic activity. The second policy departure was the de facto shift away from income taxation and toward taxing consumption. Accelerated cost recovery was one manifestation of this shift on the business side, but the individual side also saw a significant shift in the enactment of various provisions to reduce the multiple taxation of individual saving. The Individual Retirement Account, for example, was enacted in 1981.
Simultaneously with the enactment of the tax cuts in 1981 the Federal Reserve Board, with the full support of the Reagan Administration, altered monetary policy so as to bring inflation under control. The Federal Reserve's actions brought inflation down faster and further than was anticipated at the time, and one consequence was that the economy fell into a deep recession in 1982. Another consequence of the collapse in inflation was that federal spending levels, which had been predicated on a higher level of expected inflation, were suddenly much higher in inflation-adjusted terms. The combination of the tax cuts, the recession, and the one-time increase in inflation-adjusted federal spending produced historically high budget deficits which, in turn, led to a tax increase in 1984 that pared back some of the tax cuts enacted in 1981, especially on the business side.
As inflation came down and as more and more of the tax cuts from the 1981 Act went into effect, the economic began a strong and sustained pattern of growth. Though the painful medicine of disinflation slowed and initially hid the process, the beneficial effects of marginal rate cuts and reductions in the disincentives to invest took hold as promised.
The Evolution of Social Security and Medicare
The Social Security system remained essentially unchanged from its enactment until 1956. However, beginning in 1956 Social Security began an almost steady evolution as more and more benefits were added, beginning with the addition of Disability Insurance benefits. In 1958, benefits were extended to dependents of disabled workers. In 1967, disability benefits were extended to widows and widowers. The 1972 amendments provided for automatic cost-of-living benefits.
In 1965, Congress enacted the Medicare program, providing for the medical needs of persons aged 65 or older, regardless of income. The 1965 Social Security Amendments also created the Medicaid programs, which provides medical assistance for persons with low incomes and resources.
Of course, the expansions of Social Security and the creation of Medicare and Medicaid required additional tax revenues, and thus the basic payroll tax was repeatedly increased over the years. Between 1949 and 1962 the payroll tax rate climbed steadily from its initial rate of 2 percent to 6 percent. The expansions in 1965 led to further rate increases, with the combined payroll tax rate climbing to 12.3 percent in 1980. Thus, in 31 years the maximum Social Security tax burden rose from a mere $60 in 1949 to $3,175 in 1980.
Despite the increased payroll tax burden, the benefit expansions Congress enacted in previous years led the Social Security program to an acute funding crises in the early 1980s. Eventually, Congress legislated some minor programmatic changes in Social Security benefits, along with an increase in the payroll tax rate to 15.3 percent by 1990. Between 1980 and 1990, the maximum Social Security payroll tax burden more than doubled to $7,849.
The Tax Reform Act of 1986
Following the enactment of the 1981, 1982, and 1984 tax changes there was a growing sense that the income tax was in need of a more fundamental overhaul. The economic boom following the 1982 recession convinced many political leaders of both parties that lower marginal tax rates were essential to a strong economy, while the constant changing of the law instilled in policy makers an appreciation for the complexity of the tax system. Further, the debates during this period led to a general understanding of the distortions imposed on the economy, and the lost jobs and wages, arising from the many peculiarities in the definition of the tax base. A new and broadly held philosophy of tax policy developed that the income tax would be greatly improved by repealing these various special provisions and lowering tax rates further. Thus, in his 1984 State of the Union speech President Reagan called for a sweeping reform of the income tax so it would have a broader base and lower rates and would be fairer, simpler, and more consistent with economic efficiency.
The culmination of this effort was the Tax Reform Act of 1986, which brought the top statutory tax rate down from 50 percent to 28 percent while the corporate tax rate was reduced from 50 percent to 35 percent. The number of tax brackets was reduced and the personal exemption and standard deduction amounts were increased and indexed for inflation, thereby relieving millions of taxpayers of any Federal income tax burden. However, the Act also created new personal and corporate Alternative Minimum Taxes, which proved to be overly complicated, unnecessary, and economically harmful.
The 1986 Tax Reform Act was roughly revenue neutral, that is, it was not intended to raise or lower taxes, but it shifted some of the tax burden from individuals to businesses. Much of the increase in the tax on business was the result of an increase in the tax on business capital formation. It achieved some simplifications for individuals through the elimination of such things as income averaging, the deduction for consumer interest, and the deduction for state and local sales taxes. But in many respects the Act greatly added to the complexity of business taxation, especially in the area of international taxation. Some of the over-reaching provisions of the Act also led to a downturn in the real estate markets which played a significant role in the subsequent collapse of the Savings and Loan industry.
Seen in a broader picture, the 1986 tax act represented the penultimate installment of an extraordinary process of tax rate reductions. Over the 22 year period from 1964 to 1986 the top individual tax rate was reduced from 91 to 28 percent. However, because upper-income taxpayers increasingly chose to receive their income in taxable form, and because of the broadening of the tax base, the progressivity of the tax system actually rose during this period.
The 1986 tax act also represented a temporary reversal in the evolution of the tax system. Though called an income tax, the Federal tax system had for many years actually been a hybrid income and consumption tax, with the balance shifting toward or away from a consumption tax with many of the major tax acts. The 1986 tax act shifted the balance once again toward the income tax. Of greatest importance in this regard was the return to references to economic depreciation in the formulation of the capital cost recovery system and the significant new restrictions on the use of Individual Retirement Accounts.
Between 1986 and 1990 the Federal tax burden rose as a share of GDP from 17.5 to 18 percent. Despite this increase in the overall tax burden, persistent budget deficits due to even higher levels of government spending created near constant pressure to increase taxes. Thus, in 1990 the Congress enacted a significant tax increase featuring an increase in the top tax rate to 31 percent. Shortly after his election, President Clinton insisted on and the Congress enacted a second major tax increase in 1993 in which the top tax rate was raised to 36 percent and a 10 percent surcharge was added, leaving the effective top tax rate at 39.6 percent. Clearly, the trend toward lower marginal tax rates had been reversed, but, as it turns out, only temporarily.
The Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997 made additional changes to the tax code providing a modest tax cut. The centerpiece of the 1997 Act was a significant new tax benefit to certain families with children through the Per Child Tax credit. The truly significant feature of this tax relief, however, was that the credit was refundable for many lower-income families. That is, in many cases the family paid a "negative" income tax, or received a credit in excess of their pre-credit tax liability. Though the tax system had provided for individual tax credits before, such as the Earned Income Tax credit, the Per Child Tax credit began a new trend in federal tax policy. Previously tax relief was generally given in the form of lower tax rates or increased deductions or exemptions. The 1997 Act really launched the modern proliferation of individual tax credits and especially refundable credits that are in essence spending programs operating through the tax system.
The years immediately following the 1993 tax increase also saw another trend continue, which was to once again shift the balance of the hybrid income tax-consumption tax toward the consumption tax. The movement in this case was entirely on the individual side in the form of a proliferation of tax vehicles to promote purpose-specific saving. For example, Medical Savings Accounts were enacted to facilitate saving for medical expenses. An Education IRA and the Section 529 Qualified Tuition Program was enacted to help taxpayers pay for future education expenses. In addition, a new form of saving vehicle was enacted, called the Roth IRA, which differed from other retirement savings vehicles like the traditional IRA and employer-based 401(k) plans in that contributions were made in after-tax dollars and distributions were tax free.
Despite the higher tax rates, other economic fundamentals such as low inflation and low interest rates, an improved international picture with the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the advent of a qualitatively and quantitatively new information technologies led to a strong economic performance throughout the 1990s. This, in turn, led to an extraordinary increase in the aggregate tax burden, with Federal taxes as a share of GDP reaching a postwar high of 20.8 percent in 2000.
The Bush Tax Cut
By 2001, the total tax take had produced a projected unified budget surplus of $281 billion, with a cumulative 10 year projected surplus of $5.6 trillion. Much of this surplus reflected a rising tax burden as a share of GDP due to the interaction of rising real incomes and a progressive tax rate structure. Consequently, under President George W. Bush's leadership the Congress halted the projected future increases in the tax burden by passing the Economic Growth and Tax Relief and Reconciliation Act of 2001. The centerpiece of the 2001 tax cut was to regain some of the ground lost in the 1990s in terms of lower marginal tax rates. Though the rate reductions are to be phased in over many years, ultimately the top tax rate will fall from 39.6 percent to 33 percent.
The 2001 tax cut represented a resumption of a number of other trends in tax policy. For example, it expanded the Per Child Tax credit from $500 to $1000 per child. It also increased the Dependent Child Tax credit. The 2001 tax cut also continued the move toward a consumption tax by expanding a variety of savings incentives. Another feature of the 2001 tax cut that is particularly noteworthy is that it put the estate, gift, and generation-skipping taxes on course for eventual repeal, which is also another step toward a consumption tax. One novel feature of the 2001 tax cut compared to most large tax bills is that it was almost devoid of business tax provisions.
The 2001 tax cut will provide additional strength to the economy in the coming years as more and more of its provisions are phased in, and indeed one argument for its enactment had always been as a form of insurance against an economic downturn. However, unbeknownst to the Bush Administration and the Congress, the economy was already in a downturn as the Act was being debated. Thankfully, the downturn was brief and shallow, but it is already clear that the tax cuts that were enacted and went into effect in 2001 played a significant role in supporting the economy, shortening the duration of the downturn, and preparing the economy for a robust recovery.
One lesson from the economic slowdown was the danger of ever taking a strong economy for granted. The strong growth of the 1990s led to talk of a "new" economy that many assumed was virtually recession proof. The popularity of this assumption was easy to understand when one considers that there had only been one very mild recession in the previous 18 years.
Taking this lesson to heart, and despite the increasing benefits of the 2001 tax cut and the early signs of a recovery, President Bush called for and the Congress eventually enacted an economic stimulus bill. The bill included an extension of unemployment benefits to assist those workers and families under financial stress due to the downturn. The bill also included a provision to providing a temporary but significant acceleration of depreciation allowances for business investment, thereby assuring that the recovery and expansion will be strong and balanced. Interestingly, the depreciation provision also means that the Federal tax on business has resumed its evolution toward a consumption tax, once again paralleling the trend in individual taxation.
This history of the U.S. Tax System was retrieved from the U.S. Treasury website on September 25, 2010.
HISTORY OF THE U.S. TAX SYSTEM
The federal, state, and local tax systems in the United States have been marked by significant changes over the years in response to changing circumstances and changes in the role of government. The types of taxes collected, their relative proportions, and the magnitudes of the revenues collected are all far different than they were 50 or 100 years ago. Some of these changes are traceable to specific historical events, such as a war or the passage of the 16th Amendment to the Constitution that granted the Congress the power to levy a tax on personal income. Other changes were more gradual, responding to changes in society, in our economy, and in the roles and responsibilities that government has taken unto itself.
Colonial Times
For most of our nation's history, individual taxpayers rarely had any significant contact with Federal tax authorities as most of the Federal government's tax revenues were derived from excise taxes, tariffs, and customs duties. Before the Revolutionary War, the colonial government had only a limited need for revenue, while each of the colonies had greater responsibilities and thus greater revenue needs, which they met with different types of taxes. For example, the southern colonies primarily taxed imports and exports, the middle colonies at times imposed a property tax and a "head" or poll tax levied on each adult male, and the New England colonies raised revenue primarily through general real estate taxes, excises taxes, and taxes based on occupation.
England's need for revenues to pay for its wars against France led it to impose a series of taxes on the American colonies. In 1765, the English Parliament passed the Stamp Act, which was the first tax imposed directly on the American colonies, and then Parliament imposed a tax on tea. Even though colonists were forced to pay these taxes, they lacked representation in the English Parliament. This led to the rallying cry of the American Revolution that "taxation without representation is tyranny" and established a persistent wariness regarding taxation as part of the American culture.
The Post Revolutionary Era
The Articles of Confederation, adopted in 1781, reflected the American fear of a strong central government and so retained much of the political power in the States. The national government had few responsibilities and no nationwide tax system, relying on donations from the States for its revenue. Under the Articles, each State was a sovereign entity and could levy tax as it pleased.
When the Constitution was adopted in 1789, the Founding Fathers recognized that no government could function if it relied entirely on other governments for its resources, thus the Federal Government was granted the authority to raise taxes. The Constitution endowed the Congress with the power to "…lay and collect taxes, duties, imposts, and excises, pay the Debts and provide for the common Defense and general Welfare of the United States." Ever on guard against the power of the central government to eclipse that of the states, the collection of the taxes was left as the responsibility of the State governments.
To pay the debts of the Revolutionary War, Congress levied excise taxes on distilled spirits, tobacco and snuff, refined sugar, carriages, property sold at auctions, and various legal documents. Even in the early days of the Republic, however, social purposes influenced what was taxed. For example, Pennsylvania imposed an excise tax on liquor sales partly "to restrain persons in low circumstances from an immoderate use thereof." Additional support for such a targeted tax came from property owners, who hoped thereby to keep their property tax rates low, providing an early example of the political tensions often underlying tax policy decisions.
Though social policies sometimes governed the course of tax policy even in the early days of the Republic, the nature of these policies did not extend either to the collection of taxes so as to equalize incomes and wealth, or for the purpose of redistributing income or wealth. As Thomas Jefferson once wrote regarding the "general Welfare" clause:
To take from one, because it is thought his own industry and that of his father has acquired too much, in order to spare to others who (or whose fathers) have not exercised equal industry and skill, is to violate arbitrarily the first principle of association, "to guarantee to everyone a free exercise of his industry and the fruits acquired by it."
With the establishment of the new nation, the citizens of the various colonies now had proper democratic representation, yet many Americans still opposed and resisted taxes they deemed unfair or improper. In 1794, a group of farmers in southwestern Pennsylvania physically opposed the tax on whiskey, forcing President Washington to send Federal troops to suppress the Whiskey Rebellion, establishing the important precedent that the Federal government was determined to enforce its revenue laws. The Whiskey Rebellion also confirmed, however, that the resistance to unfair or high taxes that led to the Declaration of Independence did not evaporate with the forming of a new, representative government.
During the confrontation with France in the late 1790's, the Federal Government imposed the first direct taxes on the owners of houses, land, slaves, and estates. These taxes are called direct taxes because they are a recurring tax paid directly by the taxpayer to the government based on the value of the item that is the basis for the tax. The issue of direct taxes as opposed to indirect taxes played a crucial role in the evolution of Federal tax policy in the following years. When Thomas Jefferson was elected President in 1802, direct taxes were abolished and for the next 10 years there were no internal revenue taxes other than excises.
To raise money for the War of 1812, Congress imposed additional excise taxes, raised certain customs duties, and raised money by issuing Treasury notes. In 1817 Congress repealed these taxes, and for the next 44 years the Federal Government collected no internal revenue. Instead, the Government received most of its revenue from high customs duties and through the sale of public land.
The Civil War
When the Civil War erupted, the Congress passed the Revenue Act of 1861, which restored earlier excises taxes and imposed a tax on personal incomes. The income tax was levied at 3 percent on all incomes higher than $800 a year. This tax on personal income was a new direction for a Federal tax system based mainly on excise taxes and customs duties. Certain inadequacies of the income tax were quickly acknowledged by Congress and thus none was collected until the following year.
By the spring of 1862 it was clear the war would not end quickly and with the Union's debt growing at the rate of $2 million daily it was equally clear the Federal government would need additional revenues. On July 1, 1862 the Congress passed new excise taxes on such items as playing cards, gunpowder, feathers, telegrams, iron, leather, pianos, yachts, billiard tables, drugs, patent medicines, and whiskey. Many legal documents were also taxed and license fees were collected for almost all professions and trades.
The 1862 law also made important reforms to the Federal income tax that presaged important features of the current tax. For example, a two-tiered rate structure was enacted, with taxable incomes up to $10,000 taxed at a 3 percent rate and higher incomes taxed at 5 percent. A standard deduction of $600 was enacted and a variety of deductions were permitted for such things as rental housing, repairs, losses, and other taxes paid. In addition, to assure timely collection, taxes were "withheld at the source" by employers.
The need for Federal revenue declined sharply after the war and most taxes were repealed. By 1868, the main source of Government revenue derived from liquor and tobacco taxes. The income tax was abolished in 1872. From 1868 to 1913, almost 90 percent of all revenue was collected from the remaining excises.
The 16th Amendment
Under the Constitution, Congress could impose direct taxes only if they were levied in proportion to each State's population. Thus, when a flat rate Federal income tax was enacted in 1894, it was quickly challenged and in 1895 the U.S. Supreme Court ruled it unconstitutional because it was a direct tax not apportioned according to the population of each state.
Lacking the revenue from an income tax and with all other forms of internal taxes facing stiff resistance, from 1896 until 1910 the Federal government relied heavily on high tariffs for its revenues. The War Revenue Act of 1899 sought to raise funds for the Spanish-American War through the sale of bonds, taxes on recreational facilities used by workers, and doubled taxes on beer and tobacco. A tax was even imposed on chewing gum. The Act expired in 1902, so that Federal receipts fell from 1.7 percent of Gross Domestic Product to 1.3 percent.
While the War Revenue Act returned to traditional revenue sources following the Supreme Court's 1895 ruling on the income tax, debate on alternative revenue sources remained lively. The nation was becoming increasingly aware that high tariffs and excise taxes were not sound economic policy and often fell disproportionately on the less affluent. Proposals to reinstate the income tax were introduced by Congressmen from agricultural areas whose constituents feared a Federal tax on property, especially on land, as a replacement for the excises.
Eventually, the income tax debate pitted southern and western Members of Congress representing more agricultural and rural areas against the industrial northeast. The debate resulted in an agreement calling for a tax, called an excise tax, to be imposed on business income, and a Constitutional amendment to allow the Federal government to impose tax on individuals' lawful incomes without regard to the population of each State.
By 1913, 36 States had ratified the 16th Amendment to the Constitution. In October, Congress passed a new income tax law with rates beginning at 1 percent and rising to 7 percent for taxpayers with income in excess of $500,000. Less than 1 percent of the population paid income tax at the time. Form 1040 was introduced as the standard tax reporting form and, though changed in many ways over the years, remains in use today.
One of the problems with the new income tax law was how to define "lawful" income. Congress addressed this problem by amending the law in 1916 by deleting the word "lawful" from the definition of income. As a result, all income became subject to tax, even if it was earned by illegal means. Several years later, the Supreme Court declared the Fifth Amendment could not be used by bootleggers and others who earned income through illegal activities to avoid paying taxes. Consequently, many who broke various laws associated with illegal activities and were able to escape justice for these crimes were incarcerated on tax evasion charges.
Prior to the enactment of the income tax, most citizens were able to pursue their private economic affairs without the direct knowledge of the government. Individuals earned their wages, businesses earned their profits, and wealth was accumulated and dispensed with little or no interaction with government entities. The income tax fundamentally changed this relationship, giving the government the right and the need to know about all manner of an individual or business' economic life. Congress recognized the inherent invasiveness of the income tax into the taxpayer's personal affairs and so in 1916 it provided citizens with some degree of protection by requiring that information from tax returns be kept confidential.
World War I and the 1920s
The entry of the United States into World War I greatly increased the need for revenue and Congress responded by passing the 1916 Revenue Act. The 1916 Act raised the lowest tax rate from 1 percent to 2 percent and raised the top rate to 15 percent on taxpayers with incomes in excess of $1.5 million. The 1916 Act also imposed taxes on estates and excess business profits.
Driven by the war and largely funded by the new income tax, by 1917 the Federal budget was almost equal to the total budget for all the years between 1791 and 1916. Needing still more tax revenue, the War Revenue Act of 1917 lowered exemptions and greatly increased tax rates. In 1916, a taxpayer needed $1.5 million in taxable income to face a 15 percent rate. By 1917 a taxpayer with only $40,000 faced a 16 percent rate and the individual with $1.5 million faced a tax rate of 67 percent.
Another revenue act was passed in 1918, which hiked tax rates once again, this time raising the bottom rate to 6 percent and the top rate to 77 percent. These changes increased revenue from $761 million in 1916 to $3.6 billion in 1918, which represented about 25 percent of Gross Domestic Product (GDP). Even in 1918, however, only 5 percent of the population paid income taxes and yet the income tax funded one-third of the cost of the war.
The economy boomed during the 1920s and increasing revenues from the income tax followed. This allowed Congress to cut taxes five times, ultimately returning the bottom tax rate to 1 percent and the top rate down to 25 percent and reducing the Federal tax burden as a share of GDP to 13 percent. As tax rates and tax collections declined, the economy was strengthened further.
In October of 1929 the stock market crash marked the beginning of the Great Depression. As the economy shrank, government receipts also fell. In 1932, the Federal government collected only $1.9 billion, compared to $6.6 billion in 1920. In the face of rising budget deficits which reached $2.7 billion in 1931, Congress followed the prevailing economic wisdom at the time and passed the Tax Act of 1932 which dramatically increased tax rates once again. This was followed by another tax increase in 1936 that further improved the government's finances while further weakening the economy. By 1936 the lowest tax rate had reached 4 percent and the top rate was up to 79 percent. In 1939, Congress systematically codified the tax laws so that all subsequent tax legislation until 1954 amended this basic code. The combination of a shrunken economy and the repeated tax increases raised the Federal government's tax burden to 6.8 percent of GDP by 1940.
The Social Security Tax
The state of the economy during the Great Depression led to passage of the Social Security Act in 1935. This law provided payments known as "unemployment compensation" to workers who lost their jobs. Other sections of the Act gave public aid to the aged, the needy, the handicapped, and to certain minors. These programs were financed by a 2 percent tax, one half of which was subtracted directly from an employee's paycheck and one half collected from employers on the employee's behalf. The tax was levied on the first $3,000 of the employee's salary or wage.
World War II
Even before the United States entered the Second World War, increasing defense spending and the need for monies to support the opponents of Axis aggression led to the passage in 1940 of two tax laws that increased individual and corporate taxes, which were followed by another tax hike in 1941. By the end of the war the nature of the income tax had been fundamentally altered. Reductions in exemption levels meant that taxpayers with taxable incomes of only $500 faced a bottom tax rate of 23 percent, while taxpayers with incomes over $1 million faced a top rate of 94 percent. These tax changes increased federal receipts from $8.7 billion in 1941 to $45.2 billion in 1945. Even with an economy stimulated by war-time production, federal taxes as a share of GDP grew from 7.6 percent in 1941 to 20.4 percent in 1945. Beyond the rates and revenues, however, another aspect about the income tax that changed was the increase in the number of income taxpayers from 4 million in 1939 to 43 million in 1945.
Another important feature of the income tax that changed was the return to income tax withholding as had been done during the Civil War. This greatly eased the collection of the tax for both the taxpayer and the Bureau of Internal Revenue. However, it also greatly reduced the taxpayer's awareness of the amount of tax being collected, i.e. it reduced the transparency of the tax, which made it easier to raise taxes in the future.
Developments after World War II
Tax cuts following the war reduced the Federal tax burden as a share of GDP from its wartime high of 20.9 percent in 1944 to 14.4 percent in 1950. However, the Korean War created a need for additional revenues which, combined with the extension of Social Security coverage to self-employed persons, meant that by 1952 the tax burden had returned to 19.0 percent of GDP.
In 1953 the Bureau of Internal Revenue was renamed the Internal Revenue Service (IRS), following a reorganization of its function. The new name was chosen to stress the service aspect of its work. By 1959, the IRS had become the world's largest accounting, collection, and forms-processing organization. Computers were introduced to automate and streamline its work and to improve service to taxpayers. In 1961, Congress passed a law requiring individual taxpayers to use their Social Security number as a means of tax form identification. By 1967, all business and personal tax returns were handled by computer systems, and by the late 1960s, the IRS had developed a computerized method for selecting tax returns to be examined. This made the selection of returns for audit fairer to the taxpayer and allowed the IRS to focus its audit resources on those returns most likely to require an audit.
Throughout the 1950s tax policy was increasingly seen as a tool for raising revenue and for changing the incentives in the economy, but also as a tool for stabilizing macroeconomic activity. The economy remained subject to frequent boom and bust cycles and many policymakers readily accepted the new economic policy of raising or lowering taxes and spending to adjust aggregate demand and thereby smooth the business cycle. Even so, however, the maximum tax rate in 1954 remained at 87 percent of taxable income. While the income tax underwent some manner of revision or amendment almost every year since the major reorganization of 1954, certain years marked especially significant changes. For example, the Tax Reform Act of 1969 reduced income tax rates for individuals and private foundations.
Beginning in the late 1960s and continuing through the 1970s the United States experienced persistent and rising inflation rates, ultimately reaching 13.3 percent in 1979. Inflation has a deleterious effect on many aspects of an economy, but it also can play havoc with an income tax system unless appropriate precautions are taken. Specifically, unless the tax system's parameters, i.e. its brackets and its fixed exemptions, deductions, and credits, are indexed for inflation, a rising price level will steadily shift taxpayers into ever higher tax brackets by reducing the value of those exemptions and deductions.
During this time, the income tax was not indexed for inflation and so, driven by a rising inflation, and despite repeated legislated tax cuts, the tax burden rose from 19.4 percent of GDP to 20.8 percent of GDP. Combined with high marginal tax rates, rising inflation, and a heavy regulatory burden, this high tax burden caused the economy to under-perform badly, all of which laid the groundwork for the Reagan tax cut, also known as the Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981.
The Reagan Tax Cut
The Economic Recovery Tax Act of 1981, which enjoyed strong bi-partisan support in the Congress, represented a fundamental shift in the course of federal income tax policy. Championed in principle for many years by then-Congressman Jack Kemp (R-NY) and then-Senator Bill Roth (R- DE), it featured a 25 percent reduction in individual tax brackets, phased in over 3 years, and indexed for inflation thereafter. This brought the top tax bracket down to 50 percent.
The 1981 Act also featured a dramatic departure in the treatment of business outlays for plant and equipment, i.e. capital cost recovery, or tax depreciation. Heretofore, capital cost recovery had attempted roughly to follow a concept known as economic depreciation, which refers to the decline in the market value of a producing asset over a specified period of time. The 1981 Act explicitly displaced the notion of economic depreciation, instituting instead the Accelerated Cost Recovery System which greatly reduced the disincentive facing business investment and ultimately prepared the way for the subsequent boom in capital formation. In addition to accelerated cost recovery, the 1981 Act also instituted a 10 percent Investment Tax Credit to spur additional capital formation.
Prior to, and in many circles even after the 1981 tax cut, the prevailing view was that tax policy is most effective in modulating aggregate demand whenever demand and supply become mismatched, i.e. whenever the economy went in to recession or became "over-heated". The 1981 tax cut represented a new way of looking at tax policy, though it was in fact a return to a more traditional, or neoclassical, economic perspective. The essential idea was that taxes have their first and primary effect on the economic incentives facing individuals and businesses. Thus, the tax rate on the last dollar earned, i.e. the marginal dollar, is much more important to economic activity than the tax rate facing the first dollar earned or than the average tax rate. By reducing marginal tax rates it was believed the natural forces of economic growth would be less restrained. The most productive individuals would then shift more of their energies to productive activities rather than leisure and businesses would take advantage of many more now profitable opportunities. It was also thought that reducing marginal tax rates would significantly expand the tax base as individuals shifted more of their income and activities into taxable forms and out of tax-exempt forms.
The 1981 tax cut actually represented two departures from previous tax policy philosophies, one explicit and intended and the second by implication. The first change was the new focus on marginal tax rates and incentives as the key factors in how the tax system affects economic activity. The second policy departure was the de facto shift away from income taxation and toward taxing consumption. Accelerated cost recovery was one manifestation of this shift on the business side, but the individual side also saw a significant shift in the enactment of various provisions to reduce the multiple taxation of individual saving. The Individual Retirement Account, for example, was enacted in 1981.
Simultaneously with the enactment of the tax cuts in 1981 the Federal Reserve Board, with the full support of the Reagan Administration, altered monetary policy so as to bring inflation under control. The Federal Reserve's actions brought inflation down faster and further than was anticipated at the time, and one consequence was that the economy fell into a deep recession in 1982. Another consequence of the collapse in inflation was that federal spending levels, which had been predicated on a higher level of expected inflation, were suddenly much higher in inflation-adjusted terms. The combination of the tax cuts, the recession, and the one-time increase in inflation-adjusted federal spending produced historically high budget deficits which, in turn, led to a tax increase in 1984 that pared back some of the tax cuts enacted in 1981, especially on the business side.
As inflation came down and as more and more of the tax cuts from the 1981 Act went into effect, the economic began a strong and sustained pattern of growth. Though the painful medicine of disinflation slowed and initially hid the process, the beneficial effects of marginal rate cuts and reductions in the disincentives to invest took hold as promised.
The Evolution of Social Security and Medicare
The Social Security system remained essentially unchanged from its enactment until 1956. However, beginning in 1956 Social Security began an almost steady evolution as more and more benefits were added, beginning with the addition of Disability Insurance benefits. In 1958, benefits were extended to dependents of disabled workers. In 1967, disability benefits were extended to widows and widowers. The 1972 amendments provided for automatic cost-of-living benefits.
In 1965, Congress enacted the Medicare program, providing for the medical needs of persons aged 65 or older, regardless of income. The 1965 Social Security Amendments also created the Medicaid programs, which provides medical assistance for persons with low incomes and resources.
Of course, the expansions of Social Security and the creation of Medicare and Medicaid required additional tax revenues, and thus the basic payroll tax was repeatedly increased over the years. Between 1949 and 1962 the payroll tax rate climbed steadily from its initial rate of 2 percent to 6 percent. The expansions in 1965 led to further rate increases, with the combined payroll tax rate climbing to 12.3 percent in 1980. Thus, in 31 years the maximum Social Security tax burden rose from a mere $60 in 1949 to $3,175 in 1980.
Despite the increased payroll tax burden, the benefit expansions Congress enacted in previous years led the Social Security program to an acute funding crises in the early 1980s. Eventually, Congress legislated some minor programmatic changes in Social Security benefits, along with an increase in the payroll tax rate to 15.3 percent by 1990. Between 1980 and 1990, the maximum Social Security payroll tax burden more than doubled to $7,849.
The Tax Reform Act of 1986
Following the enactment of the 1981, 1982, and 1984 tax changes there was a growing sense that the income tax was in need of a more fundamental overhaul. The economic boom following the 1982 recession convinced many political leaders of both parties that lower marginal tax rates were essential to a strong economy, while the constant changing of the law instilled in policy makers an appreciation for the complexity of the tax system. Further, the debates during this period led to a general understanding of the distortions imposed on the economy, and the lost jobs and wages, arising from the many peculiarities in the definition of the tax base. A new and broadly held philosophy of tax policy developed that the income tax would be greatly improved by repealing these various special provisions and lowering tax rates further. Thus, in his 1984 State of the Union speech President Reagan called for a sweeping reform of the income tax so it would have a broader base and lower rates and would be fairer, simpler, and more consistent with economic efficiency.
The culmination of this effort was the Tax Reform Act of 1986, which brought the top statutory tax rate down from 50 percent to 28 percent while the corporate tax rate was reduced from 50 percent to 35 percent. The number of tax brackets was reduced and the personal exemption and standard deduction amounts were increased and indexed for inflation, thereby relieving millions of taxpayers of any Federal income tax burden. However, the Act also created new personal and corporate Alternative Minimum Taxes, which proved to be overly complicated, unnecessary, and economically harmful.
The 1986 Tax Reform Act was roughly revenue neutral, that is, it was not intended to raise or lower taxes, but it shifted some of the tax burden from individuals to businesses. Much of the increase in the tax on business was the result of an increase in the tax on business capital formation. It achieved some simplifications for individuals through the elimination of such things as income averaging, the deduction for consumer interest, and the deduction for state and local sales taxes. But in many respects the Act greatly added to the complexity of business taxation, especially in the area of international taxation. Some of the over-reaching provisions of the Act also led to a downturn in the real estate markets which played a significant role in the subsequent collapse of the Savings and Loan industry.
Seen in a broader picture, the 1986 tax act represented the penultimate installment of an extraordinary process of tax rate reductions. Over the 22 year period from 1964 to 1986 the top individual tax rate was reduced from 91 to 28 percent. However, because upper-income taxpayers increasingly chose to receive their income in taxable form, and because of the broadening of the tax base, the progressivity of the tax system actually rose during this period.
The 1986 tax act also represented a temporary reversal in the evolution of the tax system. Though called an income tax, the Federal tax system had for many years actually been a hybrid income and consumption tax, with the balance shifting toward or away from a consumption tax with many of the major tax acts. The 1986 tax act shifted the balance once again toward the income tax. Of greatest importance in this regard was the return to references to economic depreciation in the formulation of the capital cost recovery system and the significant new restrictions on the use of Individual Retirement Accounts.
Between 1986 and 1990 the Federal tax burden rose as a share of GDP from 17.5 to 18 percent. Despite this increase in the overall tax burden, persistent budget deficits due to even higher levels of government spending created near constant pressure to increase taxes. Thus, in 1990 the Congress enacted a significant tax increase featuring an increase in the top tax rate to 31 percent. Shortly after his election, President Clinton insisted on and the Congress enacted a second major tax increase in 1993 in which the top tax rate was raised to 36 percent and a 10 percent surcharge was added, leaving the effective top tax rate at 39.6 percent. Clearly, the trend toward lower marginal tax rates had been reversed, but, as it turns out, only temporarily.
The Taxpayer Relief Act of 1997 made additional changes to the tax code providing a modest tax cut. The centerpiece of the 1997 Act was a significant new tax benefit to certain families with children through the Per Child Tax credit. The truly significant feature of this tax relief, however, was that the credit was refundable for many lower-income families. That is, in many cases the family paid a "negative" income tax, or received a credit in excess of their pre-credit tax liability. Though the tax system had provided for individual tax credits before, such as the Earned Income Tax credit, the Per Child Tax credit began a new trend in federal tax policy. Previously tax relief was generally given in the form of lower tax rates or increased deductions or exemptions. The 1997 Act really launched the modern proliferation of individual tax credits and especially refundable credits that are in essence spending programs operating through the tax system.
The years immediately following the 1993 tax increase also saw another trend continue, which was to once again shift the balance of the hybrid income tax-consumption tax toward the consumption tax. The movement in this case was entirely on the individual side in the form of a proliferation of tax vehicles to promote purpose-specific saving. For example, Medical Savings Accounts were enacted to facilitate saving for medical expenses. An Education IRA and the Section 529 Qualified Tuition Program was enacted to help taxpayers pay for future education expenses. In addition, a new form of saving vehicle was enacted, called the Roth IRA, which differed from other retirement savings vehicles like the traditional IRA and employer-based 401(k) plans in that contributions were made in after-tax dollars and distributions were tax free.
Despite the higher tax rates, other economic fundamentals such as low inflation and low interest rates, an improved international picture with the collapse of the Soviet Union, and the advent of a qualitatively and quantitatively new information technologies led to a strong economic performance throughout the 1990s. This, in turn, led to an extraordinary increase in the aggregate tax burden, with Federal taxes as a share of GDP reaching a postwar high of 20.8 percent in 2000.
The Bush Tax Cut
By 2001, the total tax take had produced a projected unified budget surplus of $281 billion, with a cumulative 10 year projected surplus of $5.6 trillion. Much of this surplus reflected a rising tax burden as a share of GDP due to the interaction of rising real incomes and a progressive tax rate structure. Consequently, under President George W. Bush's leadership the Congress halted the projected future increases in the tax burden by passing the Economic Growth and Tax Relief and Reconciliation Act of 2001. The centerpiece of the 2001 tax cut was to regain some of the ground lost in the 1990s in terms of lower marginal tax rates. Though the rate reductions are to be phased in over many years, ultimately the top tax rate will fall from 39.6 percent to 33 percent.
The 2001 tax cut represented a resumption of a number of other trends in tax policy. For example, it expanded the Per Child Tax credit from $500 to $1000 per child. It also increased the Dependent Child Tax credit. The 2001 tax cut also continued the move toward a consumption tax by expanding a variety of savings incentives. Another feature of the 2001 tax cut that is particularly noteworthy is that it put the estate, gift, and generation-skipping taxes on course for eventual repeal, which is also another step toward a consumption tax. One novel feature of the 2001 tax cut compared to most large tax bills is that it was almost devoid of business tax provisions.
The 2001 tax cut will provide additional strength to the economy in the coming years as more and more of its provisions are phased in, and indeed one argument for its enactment had always been as a form of insurance against an economic downturn. However, unbeknownst to the Bush Administration and the Congress, the economy was already in a downturn as the Act was being debated. Thankfully, the downturn was brief and shallow, but it is already clear that the tax cuts that were enacted and went into effect in 2001 played a significant role in supporting the economy, shortening the duration of the downturn, and preparing the economy for a robust recovery.
One lesson from the economic slowdown was the danger of ever taking a strong economy for granted. The strong growth of the 1990s led to talk of a "new" economy that many assumed was virtually recession proof. The popularity of this assumption was easy to understand when one considers that there had only been one very mild recession in the previous 18 years.
Taking this lesson to heart, and despite the increasing benefits of the 2001 tax cut and the early signs of a recovery, President Bush called for and the Congress eventually enacted an economic stimulus bill. The bill included an extension of unemployment benefits to assist those workers and families under financial stress due to the downturn. The bill also included a provision to providing a temporary but significant acceleration of depreciation allowances for business investment, thereby assuring that the recovery and expansion will be strong and balanced. Interestingly, the depreciation provision also means that the Federal tax on business has resumed its evolution toward a consumption tax, once again paralleling the trend in individual taxation.
This history of the U.S. Tax System was retrieved from the U.S. Treasury website on September 25, 2010.
Tuesday, February 23, 2010
Tax Fraud: Debunking the claim that higher income-tax rates reduce GDP.
In the February 23, 2010 Slate article "Tax Fraud: Debunking the claim that higher income-tax rates reduce GDP," Eliot Spitzer explains that the rich and powerful have a long history of saying that paying taxes has a devastating effect on economic output, but it is untrue.
Friday, January 1, 2010
To Avoid Raising Taxes, States Try To Rack Up Fees
In the January 1, 2010 National Public Radio (NPR) story "To Avoid Raising Taxes, States Try To Rack Up Fees," Greg Allen reports that U.S. states are using numerous fees and other tax increases to reduce budget shortfalls.
Few ideas are more unpopular during a recession than increasing taxes. So, how can states, counties and municipalities that are struggling financially raise more money?
For many, the answer is fees.
Nearly every state in the country struggled to close budget deficits in 2009, and for many the struggle is not over yet. The National Conference of State Legislatures reports that 36 states already have budget deficits for the fiscal year that began in September, and the gaps are only expected to grow as 2010 progresses.
There have been a lot of cuts, and more are coming. Governors and legislatures have laid off and furloughed state employees, tapped rainy-day funds and cut spending on education and health care.
They have also raised revenue — what most people call taxes.
Few states have struggled more with the budget gap than New York. There, the Legislature's solution was to raise fees — for bottle deposits, tax preparers, nuclear plants, horse racing, hunting and fishing licenses. If there was a fee, the lawmakers raised it. If there wasn't one, they created it.
Dan Sharp owns Honeoye Lake Bait and Tackle Shop in upstate New York. He says the increase in fees for hunting and fishing licenses, combined with the poor economy, is hurting his business at a time when he should be busy: ice-fishing season.
"There's a few guys out on the lake — it just started here a week or so ago — but not the crowds like you'd expect to see," Sharp says.
At least seven other states have also raised hunting and fishing fees.
States Tax Visitors
While politicians have generally tried to avoid using the "T" word, some taxes have proved hard to resist.
Many cities and states are raising taxes on hotel rooms and rental cars. The reason is obvious: They are taxes paid by out-of-towners, not local voters.
Craig Banikowski of the National Business Travel Association calls it taxation without representation. And he says that over the past year, cities and states across the country have been raising rental car and room taxes like never before.
Indianapolis, Boston, San Francisco, Hawaii and Nevada have all added or increased hotel taxes recently, he says.
While raising taxes on constituents is always dicey, the sorry state of their budgets has forced a few states to do so. In Arizona, New Jersey, New York and Colorado, legislatures have suspended some property tax exemptions.
In Colorado, shutting down exemptions for senior citizens is saving the state $100 million annually. Mark Lowderman, the tax assessor in El Paso County, says he has already heard from 30 or 40 seniors who share a common sentiment.
"The general feel is they think they're trying to balance the budget on the backs of the seniors," Lowderman says.
He says he expects the outcry to grow once the property tax bills go out in the next few weeks.
'Sin' Taxes Continue To Rise
If there is such a thing as a popular tax, it would be those on alcohol and tobacco, the so-called "sin" taxes. More than a dozen states raised taxes on alcohol, and 15 states raised tobacco taxes over the past year.
Danny McGoldrick with the Campaign for Tobacco-Free Kids says some states have raised the cigarette tax by a dollar a pack. Even so, he says, there's room for more.
"They go from a low of 7 cents a pack in South Carolina to a high of over $3," McGoldrick says. "So there's a lot of room for tobacco tax increases across the country, and we're hoping that's what's going to happen in the coming year."
State and local governments have been inventive — some might even say devious — in finding ways to increase revenue. One idea that is catching on across the country is automatic surveillance cameras to monitor red lights and speed zones. Typically, the devices are installed and maintained by private companies, which take a cut of revenues from tickets and leave the rest for the municipality.
The state of Georgia has another new idea. It's a "super speeder" law that requires motorists caught driving 85 mph or faster to pay a special $200 state fine on top of the local penalty. It's expected to raise $23 million in the coming year.
And if it's successful, look for it to be coming soon to a state near you.
Tuesday, August 4, 2009
Bush and the People's Money
Bush and the People's Money
BALLOT BOX
Bush and the People's Money
Jacob Weisberg
Posted Thursday, March 1, 2001, at 6:41 PM ET
George W. Bush has an argument that he thinks clinches the case for his $2.1 trillion tax cut, or as he calls it, his $1.6 trillion tax cut. The argument is the budget surplus is "the people's money." The federal government is taking in more than it needs. So it should give the extra cash back to the people who pay the taxes.
"This surplus is not the government's money," he said in a characteristic line yesterday in Council Bluffs, Iowa. "It's the people's money. And I believe we ought to listen to the people of America and share that money with the people who pay the bills." This is only one example of dozens of similar constructs. In his budget message to Congress, Bush said he was merely demanding a "refund" on behalf of taxpayers.
Democrats are having some trouble coming up with a snappy comeback to this bit of demagoguery. They don't want to argue with Bush too directly lest they lend credence to the Republican calumny that they think all money belongs to the government. Liberals are desperately afraid to offer an answer that smacks of the view that Bush claims they hold, which is that the surplus is really the government's money.
Opponents of the Bush tax cut might be able to respond more effectively if they focused on the grammatical sleight of hand implicit in his comments. The president invariably refers to the budget surplus in the first- or second-person plural possessive--it's "our money" or "your money." But he tends to describe the deficit and other public obligations in the third-person singular or plural. Washington--or merely "they"--will spend all our hard-earned money if "we" don't stop them.
But who is this "they" Bush keeps talking about? It's none other than you, the people, of course. Bush is fully capable of acknowledging this on other occasions, such as when he points out that the White House is "your" house, not his house. But for apparent reasons, he tends not to use the first- or the second-person formulation when he's talking about the national debt or the cost of his missile defense system. He never notes that it's the people's multitrillion dollar debt or military hardware that you need to buy yourself in coming years. If he did, you might wonder whether it made sense to take back the money you're going to need to pay for that stuff.
To argue with Bush, Democrats don't need to make a case that the surplus isn't "your" money. They need to explain that to whatever extent you think of the surplus as your money, you should also think of the government's obligations and undertakings as yours as well. If the surplus belongs to you, so does the national debt. It's that big line of revolving credit you and a couple of hundred million other people began drawing down in the 1980s. Similarly, the most pressing demands for increases in government spending, such as increases in military salaries, or the demand for prescription drugs for the elderly, or money to pay for educational testing in every year of grade schools, are the big purchases you're planning on making in the next few years. The long-term obligations of Social Security and Medicare are your long-term liabilities.
In addition to questioning Bush's numbers, Democrats might do well to extend his rhetorically effective personalization of public finance. Of course it's your money, they could say. Unfortunately, you've already spent most of it.
Jacob Weisberg is chairman and editor-in-chief of the Slate Group and author of The Bush Tragedy. Follow him at http://twitter.com/jacobwe.
Article URL: http://www.slate.com/id/1007179/
Monday, August 3, 2009
Plummeting Tax Revenues
It is natural, normal, and expected that tax revenues increase during economic booms and decrease during recessions. (For example, unemployed workers do not pay payroll taxes.) Yet, increasing tax rates during economic declines is not recommended usually because it discourages consumption and investment spending. And the primary cause of recessions and depressions is insufficient overall spending on newly produced goods and services. So if society collects too little revenue during economic declines, it should make up for it by collecting excess revenue during prosperous times. But that is not a message people want to hear. Indeed, when George W. Bush was campaigning for the U.S. presidency (and the U.S. federal government was running large budget surpluses), he justified tax cuts by claiming "it's the people's money."The August 3, 2009 article "Federal tax revenues plummeting " by Associated Press writer Stephen Ohlemacher reports:
WASHINGTON – The recession is starving the government of tax revenue, just as the president and Congress are piling a major expansion of health care and other programs on the nation's plate and struggling to find money to pay the tab.
The numbers could hardly be more stark: Tax receipts are on pace to drop 18 percent this year, the biggest single-year decline since the Great Depression, while the federal deficit balloons to a record $1.8 trillion.
Other figures in an Associated Press analysis underscore the recession's impact: Individual income tax receipts are down 22 percent from a year ago. Corporate income taxes are down 57 percent. Social Security tax receipts could drop for only the second time since 1940, and Medicare taxes are on pace to drop for only the third time ever.
The last time the government's revenues were this bleak, the year was 1932 in the midst of the Depression.
"Our tax system is already inadequate to support the promises our government has made," said Eugene Steuerle, a former Treasury Department official in the Reagan administration who is now vice president of the Peter G. Peterson Foundation.
"This just adds to the problem."
While much of Washington is focused on how to pay for new programs such as overhauling health care — at a cost of $1 trillion over the next decade — existing programs are feeling the pinch, too.
Social Security is in danger of running out of money earlier than the government projected just a few month ago. Highway, mass transit and airport projects are at risk because fuel and industry taxes are declining.
The national debt already exceeds $11 trillion. And bills just completed by the House would boost domestic agencies' spending by 11 percent in 2010 and military spending by 4 percent.
For this report, the AP analyzed annual tax receipts dating back to the inception of the federal income tax in 1913. Tax receipts for the 2009 budget year were available through June. They were compared to the same period last year. The budget year runs from October to September, meaning there will be three more months of receipts this year.
Is there a way out of the financial mess?
A key factor is the economy's health. The future of current programs — not to mention the new ones Obama is proposing — will depend largely on how fast the economy recovers from the recession, said William Gale, co-director of the Tax Policy Center.
"The numbers for 2009 are striking, head-snapping. But what really matters is what happens next," he said. "If it's just one year, then it's a remarkable thing, but it's totally manageable. If the economy doesn't recover soon, it doesn't matter what your social, economic and political agenda is. There's not going to be any revenue to pay for it."
A small part of the drop in tax receipts can be attributed to new tax credits for individuals and corporations enacted in February as part of the $787 billion economic stimulus package. The sheer magnitude of the tax decline, however, points to the deep recession that is reducing incomes, wiping out corporate profits and straining government programs.
Social Security tax receipts are down less than a percentage point from last year, but in May the government had been projecting a slight increase. At the time, the government's best estimate was that Social Security would start to pay out more money than it receives in taxes in 2016, and that the fund would be depleted in 2037 unless changes are enacted.
Some experts think the sour economy has made those numbers outdated.
"You could easily move that number up three or four years, then you're talking about 2013, and that's not very far off," said Kent Smetters, associate professor of insurance and risk management at the University of Pennsylvania.
The government's projections included best- and worst-case scenarios. Under the worst, Social Security would start to pay out more money than it received in taxes in 2013, and the fund would be depleted in 2029.
The fund's trustees are still confident the solvency dates are within the range of the worst-case scenario, said Jason Fichtner, the Social Security Administration's acting deputy commissioner.
"We're not outside our boundaries yet," Fichtner said. "As the recovery comes, we'll see how that plays out."
The recession's toll on Social Security makes it even more urgent for Congress to address the fund's long-term solvency, said Sen. Herb Kohl, D-Wis., chairman of the Senate Aging Committee.
"Over the past year, millions of older Americans have watched their retirement savings crumble, making the guaranteed income of Social Security more important than ever," Kohl said.
President Barack Obama has said he wants to tackle Social Security next year, after he clears an already crowded agenda that includes overhauling health care, addressing climate change and imposing new regulations on financial companies.
Medicare tax receipts are also down less than a percentage point for the year, pretty close to government projections. Medicare started paying out more money than it received last year.
Meanwhile, the recession is taking a toll on fuel and industry excise taxes that pay for highway, mass transit and airport projects. Fuel taxes that support road construction and mass transit projects are on pace to fall for the second straight year. Receipts from taxes on jet fuel and airline tickets are also dropping, meaning Congress will have to borrow more money to fund airport projects and the Federal Aviation Administration.
Last week, Congress voted to spend $7 billion to replenish the highway fund, which would otherwise run out of money in August. Congress spent $8 billion to replenish the fund last year.
Rep. Richard Neal, D-Mass., chairman of the House subcommittee that oversees fuel taxes, is working on a package to make the fund more self-sufficient. The U.S. Chamber of Commerce, which doesn't back many tax increases, supports increasing the federal gasoline tax, currently 18.4 cents per gallon.
Neal said he hasn't endorsed a specific plan. But, he added, "You can't keep going back to the general fund."
Thursday, July 30, 2009
Tax sodapop to fight fat, US health officials say
Economic policy in two sentences: (1) If you want more of something, subsidize it. (2) If you want less of something, tax it. The July 30, 2009 article "Tax sodapop to fight fat, US health officials say" by Karin Zeitvogel discusses a proposal to tax soda to discourage its consumption:WASHINGTON (AFP) – US health sheriffs want to ride the sugary drinks that are helping to make Americans fat out of town, or at least off Americans' menu of choice, and one way they suggest going about it is by taxing sodapop.
"The average American consumes roughly 250 calories more today than they did two or three decades ago, the head of the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention (CDC), Thomas Frieden, said at the "Weight of the Nation" conference on obesity held in Washington this week.
"And of that, about 120 calories is in the form of sodas and other sugared food and beverages," he said.
The average daily recommended caloric intake for adults is about 2,000 calories per day, a number that varies depending on a person's sex, height, weight and rate of activity.
Two-thirds of American adults are obese or overweight -- or shaped more like the bulbous Orangina bottle than the hourglass classic Coca-Cola bottle -- and obesity-related illnesses cost the United States nearly 150 billion dollars a year, health officials at the conference were told.
A soda tax would not only help Americans to slim down but could raise revenues that would help to offset the rising sums spent to treat preventable health conditions caused by obesity.
"The estimates we've seen suggest that a one-penny-per-ounce tax nationally would raise something in the order of 100 to 200 billion dollars over a 10-year time frame, as well as significantly reducing caloric intake -- at least from soda and sugar-sweetened beverages," Frieden said.
According to Julie Greenstein of the Center for Science in the Public Interest (CSPI), around 40 of the 50 US states already have soft drink or junk food taxes, but they are usually too low to have an effect on consumption.
The CSPI, which has advocated for health, nutrition and food safety in the United States since 1971, says a soft drink tax would "be a great way to pay for health reform and expansion" and wants to see such a tax imposed nationally.
A tax on soft drinks was included as a possible option in the health reform bill drafted by the Senate finance committee, said Greenstein, although she was unsure if the proposed levy would make it through to the final version of the proposed health care legislation.
"The soft drink industry has a very powerful lobby," she said.
Last week, the Coca Cola Corporation was quoted in the Financial Times as saying that "the consumer in this environment is not ready for a tax on a basic staple like non-alcoholic beverages."
Frieden has based his call for a soda tax on the campaign he instigated in New York City, where he was health commissioner for seven years, which practically ran the Marlboro man out of town.
A year after he became health commissioner of New York in 2002, Frieden started raising taxes on cigarettes to the point where if you buy a packet of 20 in the Big Apple today, you don't get much change from 10 dollars.
He reasoned that people would kick their cigarette habit if it cost too much. And he was right.
"We reduced adult smoking by 25 percent and teen smoking by 50 percent in six years. About half of that reduction was the result of taxation," Frieden said.
A similar tactic applied to sodas could help to cut consumption of the sugary drinks, he reasoned, but added that the decision to impose a national soda tax was one for the politicians, not health officials.
"Whether it gets done is a political question, but what we can say as the nation's prevention agency is that obesity is an enormous problem, and price interventions are likely to be effective," he said.
Thursday, July 16, 2009
We do not want government services cut, but we do not want to pay for them
According to the July 16, 2009 article "Town hall sends message to City Hall: Don't raise taxes and don't cut essential services, city officials are told" in the Florida Times-Union, Jacksonville residents do not want government services cut, but do not want to pay for them either. The budget crunch is a direct result of lower tax revenues because of the 2008 passage of Amendment 1 (which increased the amount of property that could be excluded from taxation) and the ongoing recession.
Though the people attending Wednesday night’s town hall meeting on Jacksonville’s budget crisis fell into two distinct camps, together their message was clear: Balance the city budget without cutting necessary government services and without raising taxes.
There were those who attended the meeting at Florida Community College at Jacksonville’s Deerwood Center to insist that the City Council not support Mayor John Peyton’s proposed property tax increase. They said the budget could be balanced by eliminating waste, including trimming the police and fire department budgets, and all non-essential spending.
Scott MacNaughton, who lives on the Northside and is a member of the Concerned Taxpayers of Duval County, said his family recently decided to use its Christmas savings to pay the city’s stormwater and solid waste fees. Just like he is making tough decisions, so should the city’s elected officials.
The focus should be on public safety, infrastructure and parks, what he considers core services.
“If it doesn’t fit easily into these categories it needs to be examined to be cut or be eliminated,” MacNaughton said.
He and others said the city’s books should be balanced without a tax increase. Some went further to say that even funding for nonprofit and social service agencies should be cut if a shortfall remains.
That conflicted with the views of the other half of the crowd who attended to urge the council to do whatever it takes to preserve money for the arts, education programs and crime prevention.
Leon Baxton, chief operating officer of Communities in Schools, said programs like these should be considered economic development.
“All of these programs produce young people who become adults who become taxpaying citizens,” Baxton said.
He said he supported paying higher taxes if it meant preserving after-school sites, summer camps and scholarships that help children succeed.
The town hall meeting was the first of four organized by City Council President Richard Clark to allow residents to weigh in on the city’s next budget and give their own ideas on how to balance it.
For more than two hours, residents that packed the meeting room weighed in on the budget crisis and either touted their support of social services or their opposition to the mayor’s tax increase proposal.
In addition to Clark, council members Stephen Joost, Clay Yarborough, Don Redman, John Crescimbeni and Bill Bishop attended. Alan Mosley, the mayor’s chief administrative officer, was in the crowd, as well as Duval County Supervisor of Elections Jerry Holland.
At the beginning of the meeting, Yarborough warned that issue isn’t as black and white as Peyton has outlined.
The mayor wants to raise the property tax rate 12 percent, the first rate increase in 17 years. The revenue increase would be added on top of $41 million in cuts Peyton has already proposed to fill a roughly $100 million budget hole.
If the tax rate is not increased, Peyton says fire stations and libraries will close and funding to nonprofit agencies will be severely decreased.
Not so, Yarborough said. The council can balance the budget any way it decides, and the cuts the mayor warns of are not even on the table right now, he said.
During Peyton’s budget address Monday, he challenged council members to find a way to balance the new budget — which includes $22.4 million in additional spending than the current budget — without raising taxes but warned he does not think it can be done without drastically affecting quality of life.
Several speakers at the town hall meeting expressed opinions that both camps could agree on.
Barbara Clingenpeel said that belt-tightening across all city departments, including police and fire, should be the first priority. She praised Joost, chairman of the council’s Finance Committee, for saying previously that the council should not consider a tax hike until it studies the budget and finds any possible cuts.
“Please continue to find savings and efficiencies before raising taxes,” said Clingenpeel, who lives on the Westside.
But she also expressed support of social services, including the Jacksonville Journey anti-crime initiative.
“We need to support public services, the arts, everything that gives our city a good quality of life,” she said.
tia.mitchell@jacksonville.com
(904) 359-4425
Wednesday, June 24, 2009
Is the U.S. Economic Decline Obama´s Fault?
An unsigned comment on Ben Smith's Politico story about Mark Sanford's marital infidelity is representative of the attitude many critics have toward Barack Obama:
Our current economic recession began in December 2007, long before Barack Obama became President on January 20, 2009. Most economists agree further decline was inevitable, regardless of who became the U.S. leader. Obama does favor higher taxes on the wealthiest members of society. Republicans, by contrast, tend to pursue policies that shift the tax burden to the middle and lower classes or to future generations. When talking in broad generalities, many people favor the reduction of government spending. Yet, few (if any) politicians publicly declare the specific government programs they wish to cut. If the American people are unwilling to support politicians who will reduce government spending, then the moral obligation to future generations is for current citizens to pay more in taxes. The author of the above comment seems unwilling to face that reality.
This is a great story to chase to avoid taking about the failures of Obama's economic package. Warren Buffet declares Obama's economy is in shambles and no sign of being fixed. More and more people believe Obama will tax them to death and the coming depression is Obama's fault. Too much spending and too much taxing.
Posted By: | June 24, 2009 at 02:50 PM
Our current economic recession began in December 2007, long before Barack Obama became President on January 20, 2009. Most economists agree further decline was inevitable, regardless of who became the U.S. leader. Obama does favor higher taxes on the wealthiest members of society. Republicans, by contrast, tend to pursue policies that shift the tax burden to the middle and lower classes or to future generations. When talking in broad generalities, many people favor the reduction of government spending. Yet, few (if any) politicians publicly declare the specific government programs they wish to cut. If the American people are unwilling to support politicians who will reduce government spending, then the moral obligation to future generations is for current citizens to pay more in taxes. The author of the above comment seems unwilling to face that reality.
Thursday, June 4, 2009
Craig T. Nelson 's Glenn Beck Tax Rant

Ryan McCarthy posted "Craig T. Nelson 's Glenn Beck Tax Rant" on The Huffington Post on May 29, 2009:
As the Huffington Post's Jason Linkins pointed out, Actor Craig T. Nelson, perhaps best known his role in the TV series Coach, appeared on the Glenn Beck show last night and unleashed an impassioned rant against taxes. Railing against -- what appeared to be -- the entire idea of government in general, Nelson told Beck he is "really thinking about" not paying any income taxes.
Nelson went on to refer to himself as "a fiscally responsible grandfather" and said he's being roped into paying for government programs he doesn't believe in. "I've been on welfare and food stamps...did anyone help me?" Nelson said, perhaps not realizing that welfare and food stamps are actually forms of government aid.
Friday, May 29, 2009
Can we eliminate federal budget deficits by reducing spending and not raising taxes?
Many opponents of tax increases claim we can reduce government budget deficits and pay down the public debt just by cutting government spending. Is this a reasonable assertion?
The federal budget defIcit for the current fiscal year is estimated to be more than $1.8 trillion. I think we would be extremely hard-pressed to find 51 U.S. Senators who would agree to cut federal spending by anything close to that amount. We can try to elect more fiscally responsible leaders. But in the meantime, what do we do? As it stands, we are passing trillions of dollars of debt to future generations. I think that is morally and ethically wrong. So, yes, I do favor raising taxes now (while still trying to reduce government spending). And, yes, I think we should extract most of that from the wealthy. I do not agree with the assertion that if you tax the rich they will just leave. Mississippi has substantially lower taxes than Massachusetts, but I don´t see most of Boston making that move.
The federal budget defIcit for the current fiscal year is estimated to be more than $1.8 trillion. I think we would be extremely hard-pressed to find 51 U.S. Senators who would agree to cut federal spending by anything close to that amount. We can try to elect more fiscally responsible leaders. But in the meantime, what do we do? As it stands, we are passing trillions of dollars of debt to future generations. I think that is morally and ethically wrong. So, yes, I do favor raising taxes now (while still trying to reduce government spending). And, yes, I think we should extract most of that from the wealthy. I do not agree with the assertion that if you tax the rich they will just leave. Mississippi has substantially lower taxes than Massachusetts, but I don´t see most of Boston making that move.
Thursday, May 28, 2009
Is taxing the rich a misguided policy?

A May 27, 2009 article in the Wall Street Journal entitled "Millionaires Go Missing" decries taxation of the rich:
Here's a two-minute drill in soak-the-rich economics:
Maryland couldn't balance its budget last year, so the state tried to close the shortfall by fleecing the wealthy. Politicians in Annapolis created a millionaire tax bracket, raising the top marginal income-tax rate to 6.25%. And because cities such as Baltimore and Bethesda also impose income taxes, the state-local tax rate can go as high as 9.45%. Governor Martin O'Malley, a dedicated class warrior, declared that these richest 0.3% of filers were "willing and able to pay their fair share." The Baltimore Sun predicted the rich would "grin and bear it."
One year later, nobody's grinning. One-third of the millionaires have disappeared from Maryland tax rolls. In 2008 roughly 3,000 million-dollar income tax returns were filed by the end of April. This year there were 2,000, which the state comptroller's office concedes is a "substantial decline." On those missing returns, the government collects 6.25% of nothing. Instead of the state coffers gaining the extra $106 million the politicians predicted, millionaires paid $100 million less in taxes than they did last year -- even at higher rates.
No doubt the majority of that loss in millionaire filings results from the recession. However, this is one reason that depending on the rich to finance government is so ill-advised: Progressive tax rates create mountains of cash during good times that vanish during recessions. For evidence, consult California, New York and New Jersey (see here).
The Maryland state revenue office says it's "way too early" to tell how many millionaires moved out of the state when the tax rates rose. But no one disputes that some rich filers did leave. It's easier than the redistributionists think. Christopher Summers, president of the Maryland Public Policy Institute, notes: "Marylanders with high incomes typically own second homes in tax friendlier states like Florida, Delaware, South Carolina and Virginia. So it's easy for them to change their residency."
All of this means that the burden of paying for bloated government in Annapolis will fall on the middle class. Thanks to the futility of soaking the rich, these working families will now pay Mr. O'Malley's "fair share."
The article IMPLIES that the increase in Maryland´s taxation of the wealthy caused rich people to move elsewhere and thus dramatically reduced government revenues. One might assume an intended inference is that by reducing taxes on the wealthy, tax revenues would increase. Yet the article admits that the primary cause of the loss of millionaires is the recession. Many people who earned more than $1 million in recent years have less income now. These are not people who moved out of Maryland because of its tax policies. Despite the inferences of this article, it provides conjectures, but no evidence, of a detrimental effect of higher taxes.
Friday, March 27, 2009
Taxing the Rich—Foods, That Is
Taxing the Rich -- Foods, That Is
Efforts to impose tobacco-style "obesity taxes" on some snacks and drinks have companies scramgling. Business Week, February 12, 2009.
Saturday, December 20, 2008
State & Local Government Taxation
State & Local Government Taxation
The two most important taxes for state and local governments are sales taxes and property taxes. Sales taxes are the primary source of income for state governments. Property taxes are the primary source of income for local governments. State and local governments also receive a significant amount of revenue from the federal government.
U.S. State and Local Government Receipts by Category
(Billions of dollars)
Fiscal Year[2]
Total
General Revenues[3]
Property Taxes
Sales & Gross Receipts Taxes
Individual Income Taxes
Corporation Net Income Taxes
Revenue from the Federal Government
All Other Revenues
2001-2002
1,685
279
324
203
28
361
490
2000-2001
1,647
264
320
226
35
324
478
1999-2000
1,541
249
309
212
36
292
443
1998-1999
1,434
240
291
189
34
271
410
1997-1998
1,366
230
275
176
34
255
396
1996-1997
1,289
219
261
159
34
245
371
1995-1996
1,223
209
249
147
32
235
351
Source: Economic Report of the President, Feb. 2005
When federal, state, and local government taxes are added together, the overall tax structure in the U.S. is almost proportional.
The two most important taxes for state and local governments are sales taxes and property taxes. Sales taxes are the primary source of income for state governments. Property taxes are the primary source of income for local governments. State and local governments also receive a significant amount of revenue from the federal government.
U.S. State and Local Government Receipts by Category
(Billions of dollars)
Fiscal Year[2]
Total
General Revenues[3]
Property Taxes
Sales & Gross Receipts Taxes
Individual Income Taxes
Corporation Net Income Taxes
Revenue from the Federal Government
All Other Revenues
2001-2002
1,685
279
324
203
28
361
490
2000-2001
1,647
264
320
226
35
324
478
1999-2000
1,541
249
309
212
36
292
443
1998-1999
1,434
240
291
189
34
271
410
1997-1998
1,366
230
275
176
34
255
396
1996-1997
1,289
219
261
159
34
245
371
1995-1996
1,223
209
249
147
32
235
351
Source: Economic Report of the President, Feb. 2005
When federal, state, and local government taxes are added together, the overall tax structure in the U.S. is almost proportional.
Friday, December 19, 2008
Federal Government Taxation
Federal Government Taxation
The overwhelming majority of the federal government’s revenue is collected as payroll taxes. Payroll taxes, which are collected by employers through deductions from workers’ paychecks, include individual income taxes and social insurance (i.e., Social Security) taxes. The largest source of revenue for the federal government is the individual income tax. Individual income taxes comprise almost half of all revenue for the federal government. Social insurance taxes are more than a third of all revenue for the federal government. Corporate income taxes provide about a tenth of all revenue for the federal government. The “other taxes” category includes excise taxes, tariffs and customs duties, and other fees collected by the federal government.
U.S. Federal Government Revenues by Category
(Billions of dollars)
Fiscal Year
Total Receipts
Individual Income Taxes
Corporation Income Taxes
Social Insurance Receipts
Other Receipts
2006
estimates
2,177.6
966.9
220.3
818.8
171.6
2005
estimates
2,052.8
893.7
226.5
773.7
158.9
2004
1,880.1
809.0
189.4
733.4
148.3
2003
1,782.3
793.7
131.8
713.0
143.9
2002
1,853.2
858.3
148.0
700.8
146.0
2001
1,991.2
994.3
151.1
694.0
151.8
2000
2,025.2
1,004.5
207.3
652.9
160.6
1999
1,827.5
879.5
184.7
611.8
151.5
1998
1,721.8
828.6
188.7
571.8
132.7
1997
1,579.3
737.5
182.3
539.4
120.2
1996
1,453.1
656.4
171.8
509.4
115.4
1995
1,351.8
590.2
157.0
484.5
120.1
Source: Economic Report of the President, Feb. 2005
The overwhelming majority of the federal government’s revenue is collected as payroll taxes. Payroll taxes, which are collected by employers through deductions from workers’ paychecks, include individual income taxes and social insurance (i.e., Social Security) taxes. The largest source of revenue for the federal government is the individual income tax. Individual income taxes comprise almost half of all revenue for the federal government. Social insurance taxes are more than a third of all revenue for the federal government. Corporate income taxes provide about a tenth of all revenue for the federal government. The “other taxes” category includes excise taxes, tariffs and customs duties, and other fees collected by the federal government.
U.S. Federal Government Revenues by Category
(Billions of dollars)
Fiscal Year
Total Receipts
Individual Income Taxes
Corporation Income Taxes
Social Insurance Receipts
Other Receipts
2006
estimates
2,177.6
966.9
220.3
818.8
171.6
2005
estimates
2,052.8
893.7
226.5
773.7
158.9
2004
1,880.1
809.0
189.4
733.4
148.3
2003
1,782.3
793.7
131.8
713.0
143.9
2002
1,853.2
858.3
148.0
700.8
146.0
2001
1,991.2
994.3
151.1
694.0
151.8
2000
2,025.2
1,004.5
207.3
652.9
160.6
1999
1,827.5
879.5
184.7
611.8
151.5
1998
1,721.8
828.6
188.7
571.8
132.7
1997
1,579.3
737.5
182.3
539.4
120.2
1996
1,453.1
656.4
171.8
509.4
115.4
1995
1,351.8
590.2
157.0
484.5
120.1
Source: Economic Report of the President, Feb. 2005
Thursday, December 18, 2008
Central Government Tax Revenue as Percentage of GDP, 1990 and 1997.
To compare the tax burden in various countries, examine the data for Central Government Tax Revenue as Percentage of GDP in 1990 and 1997 from the United Nations Public Administration Network.
Tax Burden in the U.S.
Tax Burden in the U.S.
Although many Americans complain about how much they pay in taxes, the tax burden in the U.S. is low compared to European countries. The U.S. tax burden is high, however, when compared to other areas of the world.
Country
Central Government Tax Revenue as a Percentage of GDP
France
38.8%
United Kingdom
33.7%
Germany
29.4%
Brazil
19.7%
United States
19.3%
Canada
18.5%
Russia
17.4%
Pakistan
15.3%
Indonesia
14.7%
Mexico
12.8%
India
10.3%
Source: World Development Report, 1998/99.
“Taxes are the price we pay for a civilized society.”
– Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.
Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court
from 1902 to 1932.
Although many Americans complain about how much they pay in taxes, the tax burden in the U.S. is low compared to European countries. The U.S. tax burden is high, however, when compared to other areas of the world.
Country
Central Government Tax Revenue as a Percentage of GDP
France
38.8%
United Kingdom
33.7%
Germany
29.4%
Brazil
19.7%
United States
19.3%
Canada
18.5%
Russia
17.4%
Pakistan
15.3%
Indonesia
14.7%
Mexico
12.8%
India
10.3%
Source: World Development Report, 1998/99.
“Taxes are the price we pay for a civilized society.”
– Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr.
Justice of the U.S. Supreme Court
from 1902 to 1932.
Wednesday, December 17, 2008
Consumption Taxes
Consumption Taxes
Some people advocate replacing income taxes with taxes on consumption. These might include a national sales tax, additional excise taxes on particular products, a value-added tax (VAT), or customs duties on imports or exports. Proponents of consumption taxes claim income taxes reduce people’s incentive to work, but consumption taxes do not. Instead, consumption taxes discourage consumption and thus encourage saving. Increased savings provide more financial resources that can be used for economic investment by businesses or the government. Increased economic investment generally leads to higher economic growth. Thus, consumption taxes do not distort incentives for the economy to save and invest. This should lead to greater economic growth.
Prior to the creation of the current income tax system in 1913, the U.S. relied heavily on import duties and excise taxes to finance federal government expenditures. Taxation of imports and exports reduces the volume and benefits of trade and may reduce a country’s welfare. Consequently, many consumption tax proponents favor value-added taxes. A value-added tax (VAT) is a type of consumption tax that is based on the additional value of a product added at each stage of the production process. The VAT differs from traditional sales taxes because it is collected from producers rather than retailers. It is collected from the factory that makes the product, not the stores that sell it. And unlike sales taxes, the VAT is included in the prices of products instead of being added onto the sales price at the time of purchase. The U.S. is the only major industrialized country without a value-added tax. A VAT has been proposed numerous times in the U.S. Congress, but has never received any significant support.
A national sales tax is another type of consumption tax. Sales taxes are quite common in the U.S. at the state and local level. Some people advocate creating a national sales tax to replace some or all or the federal income tax. If the U.S. relied on a national sales tax as a primary source of revenue for the federal government, the tax rate might need to be 25%. This means that every time a consumer made a purchase, 25% of the price would be added to support the federal government. Critics of a national sales tax complain about the regressive structure of such a tax. The imposition of a national sales tax would shift much of the tax burden away from the wealthy to middle and low income Americans.
Some people advocate replacing income taxes with taxes on consumption. These might include a national sales tax, additional excise taxes on particular products, a value-added tax (VAT), or customs duties on imports or exports. Proponents of consumption taxes claim income taxes reduce people’s incentive to work, but consumption taxes do not. Instead, consumption taxes discourage consumption and thus encourage saving. Increased savings provide more financial resources that can be used for economic investment by businesses or the government. Increased economic investment generally leads to higher economic growth. Thus, consumption taxes do not distort incentives for the economy to save and invest. This should lead to greater economic growth.
Prior to the creation of the current income tax system in 1913, the U.S. relied heavily on import duties and excise taxes to finance federal government expenditures. Taxation of imports and exports reduces the volume and benefits of trade and may reduce a country’s welfare. Consequently, many consumption tax proponents favor value-added taxes. A value-added tax (VAT) is a type of consumption tax that is based on the additional value of a product added at each stage of the production process. The VAT differs from traditional sales taxes because it is collected from producers rather than retailers. It is collected from the factory that makes the product, not the stores that sell it. And unlike sales taxes, the VAT is included in the prices of products instead of being added onto the sales price at the time of purchase. The U.S. is the only major industrialized country without a value-added tax. A VAT has been proposed numerous times in the U.S. Congress, but has never received any significant support.
A national sales tax is another type of consumption tax. Sales taxes are quite common in the U.S. at the state and local level. Some people advocate creating a national sales tax to replace some or all or the federal income tax. If the U.S. relied on a national sales tax as a primary source of revenue for the federal government, the tax rate might need to be 25%. This means that every time a consumer made a purchase, 25% of the price would be added to support the federal government. Critics of a national sales tax complain about the regressive structure of such a tax. The imposition of a national sales tax would shift much of the tax burden away from the wealthy to middle and low income Americans.
Tuesday, December 16, 2008
The Flat Tax
The Flat Tax
An alternative to the current individual income tax structure is the flat tax. The flat tax has been proposed since 1983 by various people, including Congressman Richard K. Armey, who was a Republican representative from Texas from 1985 to 2003 and Malcolm S. "Steve" Forbes, Jr., a billionaire candidate for the Republican nomination for the U.S. presidency in 1996 and 2000.
Under most flat tax proposals, the current individual and corporate income tax structures would be replaced by a system in which every taxpayer is subject to the same marginal tax rate.
Proponents of a flat tax system argue that it would simplify the income tax structure because most deductions would be eliminated. A simpler tax system would have a smaller administrative burden and thus would be more efficient.
Opponents of a flat tax argue that it would shift a significant amount of the tax burden from the wealthy to middle class Americans. Thus, they think a flat tax system does not have enough vertical equity. Vertical equity is the principle that taxpayers with a greater ability to pay taxes should pay larger amounts. Vertical equity is a justification for wealthy people to pay more in taxes than poor people.
Under "H.R.1040", the Armey-Shelby Flat Tax proposal of 1997, every worker would pay 17% of what is left of their total annual income from all wages, salaries, and pensions after subtracting a personal allowance. The only four allowances would be:
- $23,200 for a married couple filing jointly- $14,850 for a single person who is the head of a household- $11,600 for a single person who is not the head of a household, - $5,300 for each dependent child
No other tax credits or deductions would be used. The entire tax return form would be simple enough to fit on a postcard.
Source: U.S. Rep. Dick Armey's flat tax summary web site.
Because of the personal allowances, taxpayers would not pay the same percentage of their income in tax. For example, Rep. Armey suggested that given the exemptions shown above, a family of four earning $25,000 would owe no tax. A family of four earning $50,000 would owe 6%, and a family of four earning $200,000 would owe14% in tax.
The flat tax proposal would also eliminate the marriage penalty, almost double the deduction for dependent children, and end multiple taxation of savings.
Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes would not be affected under the flat tax proposal. Social Security benefits would not be taxed.
Businesses would take their total income, subtract total expenses and if the result is a positive amount (profit), pay tax on that amount at a rate of 17%. Expenses would include purchases of goods and services, capital equipment, structures, land, wages and contributions to retirement plans.
Critics of the Armey-Shelby Flat Tax proposal note that much of the complexity of the current system would remain. Businesses would still need to withhold taxes from workers’ wages and record keeping for businesses would not be significantly reduced. Some people would still have an incentive to cheat on their taxes.
According to the U.S. Treasury Department, the Armey-Shelby Flat Tax proposal would have added $138 billion to the annual budget deficit (in 1996 dollars). Even at the break even rate of 20.82%, Rep. Armey’s plan would increase taxes sharply on all income groups except those earning more than $200,000 a year. (Others believe that the break-even rate would have to be considerably higher than the Treasury’s estimate.)
The flat tax proposal of Malcolm S. Forbes, Jr., was similar to Rep. Armey’s. Mr. Forbes suggested larger exemptions from the wage tax: $13,000 per taxpayer plus $5,000 per child. Forbes also considered retaining the earned-income tax credit. Based on the U.S. Treasury's analysis, the Forbes's proposal would have resulted in a revenue shortfall of between $180 and $210 billion a year (in 1996 dollars). Others believed the revenue losses would be much larger.
A flat tax is a type of income tax in which every taxpayer is subject to the same marginal tax rate.
An alternative to the current individual income tax structure is the flat tax. The flat tax has been proposed since 1983 by various people, including Congressman Richard K. Armey, who was a Republican representative from Texas from 1985 to 2003 and Malcolm S. "Steve" Forbes, Jr., a billionaire candidate for the Republican nomination for the U.S. presidency in 1996 and 2000.
Under most flat tax proposals, the current individual and corporate income tax structures would be replaced by a system in which every taxpayer is subject to the same marginal tax rate.
Proponents of a flat tax system argue that it would simplify the income tax structure because most deductions would be eliminated. A simpler tax system would have a smaller administrative burden and thus would be more efficient.
Opponents of a flat tax argue that it would shift a significant amount of the tax burden from the wealthy to middle class Americans. Thus, they think a flat tax system does not have enough vertical equity. Vertical equity is the principle that taxpayers with a greater ability to pay taxes should pay larger amounts. Vertical equity is a justification for wealthy people to pay more in taxes than poor people.
Under "H.R.1040", the Armey-Shelby Flat Tax proposal of 1997, every worker would pay 17% of what is left of their total annual income from all wages, salaries, and pensions after subtracting a personal allowance. The only four allowances would be:
- $23,200 for a married couple filing jointly- $14,850 for a single person who is the head of a household- $11,600 for a single person who is not the head of a household, - $5,300 for each dependent child
No other tax credits or deductions would be used. The entire tax return form would be simple enough to fit on a postcard.
Source: U.S. Rep. Dick Armey's flat tax summary web site.
Because of the personal allowances, taxpayers would not pay the same percentage of their income in tax. For example, Rep. Armey suggested that given the exemptions shown above, a family of four earning $25,000 would owe no tax. A family of four earning $50,000 would owe 6%, and a family of four earning $200,000 would owe14% in tax.
The flat tax proposal would also eliminate the marriage penalty, almost double the deduction for dependent children, and end multiple taxation of savings.
Social Security and Medicare payroll taxes would not be affected under the flat tax proposal. Social Security benefits would not be taxed.
Businesses would take their total income, subtract total expenses and if the result is a positive amount (profit), pay tax on that amount at a rate of 17%. Expenses would include purchases of goods and services, capital equipment, structures, land, wages and contributions to retirement plans.
Critics of the Armey-Shelby Flat Tax proposal note that much of the complexity of the current system would remain. Businesses would still need to withhold taxes from workers’ wages and record keeping for businesses would not be significantly reduced. Some people would still have an incentive to cheat on their taxes.
According to the U.S. Treasury Department, the Armey-Shelby Flat Tax proposal would have added $138 billion to the annual budget deficit (in 1996 dollars). Even at the break even rate of 20.82%, Rep. Armey’s plan would increase taxes sharply on all income groups except those earning more than $200,000 a year. (Others believe that the break-even rate would have to be considerably higher than the Treasury’s estimate.)
The flat tax proposal of Malcolm S. Forbes, Jr., was similar to Rep. Armey’s. Mr. Forbes suggested larger exemptions from the wage tax: $13,000 per taxpayer plus $5,000 per child. Forbes also considered retaining the earned-income tax credit. Based on the U.S. Treasury's analysis, the Forbes's proposal would have resulted in a revenue shortfall of between $180 and $210 billion a year (in 1996 dollars). Others believed the revenue losses would be much larger.
A flat tax is a type of income tax in which every taxpayer is subject to the same marginal tax rate.
Monday, December 15, 2008
Lump-Sum Taxes / Poll Taxes / Head Taxes
An example of an extremely efficient tax is a lump-sum tax. A lump-sum tax is a tax that is the same monetary amount for every person. For example, a lump-sum tax might require every person to pay $50. The marginal tax rate of a lump-sum tax is equal to zero. If a person earns additional income, he or she does not pay any additional lump-sum tax. A lump-sum tax is very efficient because it does not reduce people’s incentive to work because the tax does not vary with their income. There is also very little administrative burden. The only records that need to be kept are whether each person has paid the tax. For example, the government does not need any information about a person’s income to levy a lump-sum tax.
Lump-sum taxes are also called poll taxes or head taxes because they have been imposed as a prerequisite for voting and are assessed per person (i.e., per head).
According to the Smithsonian National Museum of American History, poll taxes were used in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in the United States by local governments in the former Confederacy and neighboring states as part of an effort to reestablish a society based on white supremacy :

Here is a poll tax receipt from Jefferson County, Louisiana in 1917:

It was not until January 23, 1964 that the ratification of the 24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution made it illegal to use poll taxes as a requirement for voting in federal elections.
See also: "Margaret Thatcher and the Lump-Sum Head or Poll Tax".
Lump-sum taxes are also called poll taxes or head taxes because they have been imposed as a prerequisite for voting and are assessed per person (i.e., per head).
According to the Smithsonian National Museum of American History, poll taxes were used in the late 19th and early 20th centuries in the United States by local governments in the former Confederacy and neighboring states as part of an effort to reestablish a society based on white supremacy :
Poll taxes required citizens to pay a fee to register to vote. These fees kept many poor African Americans, as well as poor whites, from voting. The poll tax receipt displayed here is from Alabama:

Denying black men the right to vote through legal maneuvering and violence was a first step in taking away their civil rights. Beginning in the 1890s, southern states enacted literacy tests, poll taxes, elaborate registration systems, and eventually whites-only Democratic Party primaries to exclude black voters.
The laws proved very effective. In Mississippi, fewer than 9,000 of the 147,000 voting-age African Americans were registered after 1890. In Louisiana, where more than 130,000 black voters had been registered in 1896, the number had plummeted to 1,342 by 1904.
Here is a poll tax receipt from Jefferson County, Louisiana in 1917:

It was not until January 23, 1964 that the ratification of the 24th Amendment to the U.S. Constitution made it illegal to use poll taxes as a requirement for voting in federal elections.
AMENDMENT XXIV
Passed by Congress August 27, 1962. Ratified January 23, 1964.
Section 1.
The right of citizens of the United States to vote in any primary or other election for President or Vice President, for electors for President or Vice President, or for Senator or Representative in Congress, shall not be denied or abridged by the United States or any State by reason of failure to pay poll tax or other tax.
Section 2.
The Congress shall have power to enforce this article by appropriate legislation.
See also: "Margaret Thatcher and the Lump-Sum Head or Poll Tax".
Sunday, December 14, 2008
Alternatives to the Current Individual Income Tax
Alternatives to the Current Individual Income Tax
Because of the inefficiencies of the current individual income tax structure, some people advocate replacing it with a more efficient tax structure.
Lump-Sum Taxes
The Flat Tax
Consumption Taxes
A National Sales Tax
The Fair Tax
A Value-Added Tax (VAT)
Because of the inefficiencies of the current individual income tax structure, some people advocate replacing it with a more efficient tax structure.
Lump-Sum Taxes
The Flat Tax
Consumption Taxes
A National Sales Tax
The Fair Tax
A Value-Added Tax (VAT)
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